A new look at Japanese and Korean scrambling

Martha McGinnis

Abstract


Evidence from ang-movement in Tagalog sheds new light on A-scrambling in Korean and Japanese. Like A-movement, local scrambling can create new binding relations. This follows if local scrambling can be to an A-position. Yet, like A-bar movement, such A-scrambling cannot rescue a Condition C violation in some languages, including Japanese and Korean. I propose that this is because in these cases A-scrambling leaves behind a Case-marked copy that is accessible for binding. The R-expression in the copy remains bound, violating Condition C. The predictions of the proposed Minimalist analysis closely resemble those of Saito’s 1992 and 2003 analyses, but unlike Saito’s, the proposed analysis predicts that local scrambling can also create a new Condition C violation. Evidence for this analysis comes from Tagalog, where ang-movement to the highest A-position has the same binding properties as A-scrambling, and is morphologically distinct from A-bar scrambling.

Keywords


Japanese; Korean; Scrambling; Word Order; A-Movement; A-bar Movement; Condition C; R-expression

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